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Redistricting: Ensuring that our representatives represent our voters

Because of redistricting laws in Ohio, voters weren’t really choosing their representatives. The representatives are choosing their voters.

The current system encourages partisan gerrymandering. Gerrymandering is a controversial form of redistricting in which electoral district boundaries are manipulated for an unnatural electoral advantage, usually in the favor of incumbents or a specific political party. Gerrymandering is time honored. Eldridge Gerry, the governor of Massachusetts, used it in 1810 when he drew a district resembling a salamander. Today, computer technology and an increase in voters who identify with a particular party have made it much easier to exactly draw lines to achieve goals.

As a result, gerrymandering in Ohio has produced a Congressional delegation, and a State Senate and House of Representatives that are not representative of the political make-up of Ohio citizens. It has made it very difficult for opponents to unseat incumbents. And it has had a negative effect on voter turnout.

Representation

Ohio has long been a “battleground state” because its citizens divide themselves fairly evenly between Republicans and Democrats. In 2004 and 2000, Ohio’s electoral votes in the presidential election went to the Republican candidate (by just two percentage points in 2004). In 1996 and 1992, our electoral votes went to the Democratic candidate. In 2002 all state wide non-judicial races were won by Republicans. In 2006 all statewide non-judicial races were won by Democrats except for the position of Audutor.

However, because Republicans were in charge of drawing districts in 2001, Ohio’s elected representatives are nowhere near 50/50. Beginning in 2005:

  • 67% of Ohio’s Congressional delegation was Republican
  • 67% of Ohio’s Senate members were Republican
  • 60% of Ohio’s House members were Republican

Beginning in 2007, despite voters selecting Democrats for all but one non-judicial statewide elected office:

  • 61% of Ohio’s Congressional delegation is Republican
  • 64% of Ohio’s Senate members are Republican
  • 54% of Ohio’s House members are Republican

Competitive seats

Gerrymandering also makes it difficult for opposition to unseat the incumbent. As has been the case nationwide, partisan gerrymandering has severely reduced the number of competitive seats in Ohio. The election held in 2004 produced no turnover in Congressional seats, and very little turnover in party affiliation in the Ohio General Assembly, despite the impact of term limits.

In our 18 races for Congressional seats:

  • The 12 Republican incumbents were re-elected by an average margin of 29-percentage points
  • The 6 Democratic incumbents were re-elected by a margin of 59%

Of the 16 races for Ohio Senate seats in 2004:

  • Republicans won 13 seats by an average margin of 39 points
  • Democrats won 3 seats by an average margin of 32 points

In the 99 races for Ohio House seats:

  • Republicans won 57 seats by an average of 34 points
  • Democrats won 42 seats by an average of 57 points

Voter turnout

The lack of contested and competitive districts has contributed to a decreasing voter turnout in Ohio. In 2002, only 47.1% of the 7,113,826 registered voters actually voted even though every Congressional representative, half of the Ohio Senators, and every House Representative was on the ballot.

Voters apparently didn’t think it mattered.

But in 2004, when Ohio was a hotly contested state in the presidential election, about 10% more voters were registered – 7,972,826 – and 71.7% of them voted.

By reforming redistricting laws, we can give voters a chance to elect representatives who actually represent them, and we can give voters a reason to become engaged with their governments once more.

Latest News in Redistricting

Tuesday, March 9th, 2010

Dr. Mark J. Salling will be a guest on WCPN/ideastream’s “Sound of Ideas” tomorrow, Wednesday, March 10, 2010 from 9:00 to 10:00 am. to discuss the census.  To listen online tomorrow, please click here.

Dr. Salling is Director of Northern Ohio Data and Information Service (NODIS)and Levin College Fellow at the Maxine Goodman Levin College of Urban Affairs at Cleveland State University. Read More


Saturday, March 6th, 2010

Ed O’Keefe, WASHINGTON POST, 3/5/10.   WASHINGTON DC – Provisions of the USA Patriot Act that pertain to the gathering and sharing of information do not override federal confidentiality laws when it comes to the U.S. Census, the Justice Department said this week.

The clarification by government lawyers came at the request of minority lawmakers, who were seeking to allay the fears of constituents about the first national head count since the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.

In a letter sent Wednesday to the leaders of the congressional Asian Pacific, black and Hispanic caucuses, Assistant Attorney General Ronald H. Weich said that federal census laws trump the Patriot Act and will bar local, state or other federal agencies from obtaining information compiled by the count. Read More


Saturday, March 6th, 2010

Jason Linkins, HUFFINGTON POST, 3/4/10.  WASHINGTON DC — The year 2010 means that the government is undertaking a new census, and that means a new opportunity to redraw Congressional districts — and so, here’s Karl Rove, using his perch at the Wall Street Journal to publish a well-placed ad for his services as a gerrymanderer par excellence:

Control of the state legislature matters whether a state loses or gains seats. Take fast-growing Texas, which is expected to pick up as many as four seats next year. Democrats had a 17-13 edge in the state’s congressional delegation after the 2000 elections. Republicans won control of the Texas House in 2002 and redrew the state’s congressional map. As a result, the GOP now controls 20 congressional seats in Texas while Democrats control 12. Similarly in Georgia, following the 2000 census Democrats redrew district lines to give themselves control of the state’s two new congressional seats.

That’s a pretty predictably anodyne take on the Tom Delay/Rick Perry-led redistricting plan which overwrote the district boundaries drawn in 2001. The effort broke new ground in partisan warfare — at different points in the redistricting battle, groups of Democrats in the state’s legislative chambers fled the state in order to prevent their bodies from reaching quorum. Eventually, the controversial gerrymendering plan ended up in the Supreme Court. There, in the case known as League of Latin American Citizens v. Perry, the Court ruled that the redistricting plan was constitutional, but did order the redrawing of Texas Congressional District 23, which was found to be in violation of the Voting Rights Act. Read More